There is an old Washington rule worth remembering: Never let a temporary emergency become a permanent business model. That is precisely what is happening with mass drug compounding.
Large-scale compounding was supposed to be an emergency pressure valve. When an FDA-approved medicine became genuinely scarce, compounders could step into the breach and help make sure patients were not left without treatment. It was an accommodation born of necessity, not an invitation to create a shadow pharmaceutical industry. Somewhere along the way, the exception began swallowing the rule.
Today, too much entrepreneurial energy in compounding is chasing GLP-1s, peptides and other commercially attractive products while America continues to struggle with shortages of pediatric cancer medicines, sterile injectables and other lifesaving drugs. The market has discovered something Washington apparently has not: There is considerably more money to be made chasing consumer demand than rescuing an old generic injectable from shortage.
That should make us angry. More importantly, it should make us rethink the bargain.
Compounding has an important place in American medicine. A pharmacist preparing an individualized medicine for a patient who cannot use an FDA-approved formulation is practicing compounding as it was intended. And when a genuine shortage threatens patient care, responsible large-scale compounders can provide an important bridge.
But a bridge is something you cross. You don't build condominiums on it.
The GLP-1 explosion exposed the fundamental weakness in the system. Congress and the FDA created extraordinary flexibility because patients sometimes face extraordinary circumstances. Yet once blockbuster demand emerged for medicines such as semaglutide and tirzepatide, the economic incentives changed dramatically. An emergency authority designed around medical necessity became an enormously attractive commercial opportunity.
FDA has begun pushing back. In April, the agency proposed excluding semaglutide, tirzepatide and liraglutide from the list of bulk substances that 503B outsourcing facilities may use based on clinical need. FDA's conclusion was straightforward: When approved products are available, it found insufficient evidence of a clinical need for outsourcing facilities to compound these drugs from bulk substances.
That is an important distinction. A drug shortage is a public-health problem. A popular drug is a market phenomenon. They are not the same thing, and our regulatory system should stop pretending otherwise. This is regulatory arbitrage, not public health. And now the same entrepreneurial energy is moving aggressively into peptides.
Browse the offerings surrounding today's longevity, weight-loss, anti-aging and wellness businesses and you encounter an expanding alphabet soup of peptides promoted for everything from metabolism and recovery to wound healing and body composition. BPC-157. TB-500. MOTS-C. Ipamorelin. KPV. These are no longer names confined to obscure scientific discussions. They are becoming products, brands and business opportunities.
FDA itself is wrestling with the implications. In July, its Pharmacy Compounding Advisory Committee considered BPC-157, KPV, TB-500 and MOTS-C-related substances for possible inclusion on the list of bulk substances that traditional 503A compounders may use. That discussion is evidence of something much larger than an argument over a handful of molecules. Compounded peptides are becoming a regulatory category in their own right.
That should set off alarm bells.
Peptides aren't innocuous simply because they sound cutting-edge, biological or "personalized." Manufacturing and characterizing peptide products can present complicated questions involving impurities, aggregation and immunogenicity. FDA has specifically raised such concerns about several peptides being used or proposed for compounding. For some, the agency says it lacks basic human exposure or safety information.
Think about what that means. If a pharmaceutical company wanted to market a new peptide as a drug, we would expect it to characterize the molecule, demonstrate manufacturing consistency, investigate toxicology, conduct clinical trials and ultimately provide FDA with evidence sufficient to demonstrate safety and effectiveness. We would debate endpoints, statistical power, adverse events, benefit-risk and manufacturing quality.
But attach the word "compounded" to an increasingly commercialized peptide marketplace and suddenly some people behave as though those questions become optional. They don't. We should be encouraging peptide science. We should be accelerating responsible peptide drug development. Some of these molecules may ultimately prove enormously valuable. But scientific promise is an argument for generating evidence, not an excuse for avoiding it.
There is an important difference between personalized medicine and personalized pharmacology-by-marketing. We are in danger of blurring it. The distinction matters because FDA approval still means something. An FDA-approved medicine has been reviewed for safety, effectiveness, manufacturing quality, labeling and consistency. A compounded preparation does not become equivalent to an FDA-approved drug simply because it contains an ingredient with the same or similar name. It enters the marketplace through a fundamentally different regulatory pathway with different safeguards.
Patients deserve to understand that difference. They also deserve a system in which pharmaceutical capacity responds to public-health need rather than internet demand.
Consider the obscenity of the juxtaposition. America can summon remarkable entrepreneurial energy to sell popular weight-loss formulations and trendy peptides, yet physicians can still find themselves worrying about access to old, inexpensive medicines used to treat children with cancer and other critically ill patients.
We have somehow constructed a pharmaceutical marketplace in which the economic signal can be strongest precisely where the medical emergency is weakest. That isn't resilience. It is market failure wearing a lab coat. Congress should revisit the rules with a simple principle in mind: Emergency compounding privileges should serve emergency medical needs.
When an FDA-approved medicine is genuinely unavailable, compounding should remain an option. When an individual patient has a legitimate clinical need that cannot be met by an approved product, traditional pharmacy compounding should remain available. Those are important functions worth protecting. But the definition of shortage cannot become a commercial loophole, and the end of a shortage must mean something.
Under current FDA policy, 503B outsourcing facilities generally cannot make essentially copies of approved drugs. The shortage exception is just that—an exception. FDA permits greater flexibility when an approved drug appears on its shortage list, but once that shortage ends, the justification for mass production of copies begins disappearing with it.
That principle should be enforced rather than endlessly negotiated. And we should go further.
If Washington believes large-scale compounding is an important component of national pharmaceutical resilience—and I believe it can be—then policymakers should create incentives that reward compounders for doing the difficult, economically unattractive work the nation needs. Pediatric oncology drugs. Sterile injectables. Critical-care medicines. Essential generic products with fragile supply chains. Medicines for which a manufacturing interruption can become a clinical crisis overnight. Those are the products that justify extraordinary regulatory flexibility.
Rather than allowing compounding policy to be driven predominantly by where consumer margins are fattest, Congress and FDA should ask how compounding capacity can be incorporated deliberately into America's drug-shortage strategy. That could include stronger incentives for production of designated critical medicines, better federal visibility into what outsourcing facilities are producing, and faster mechanisms for directing qualified capacity toward emerging shortages.
The objective should not be to punish legitimate compounders. It should be to reconnect privilege with purpose. It also means stronger enforcement against businesses effectively operating as unapproved pharmaceutical manufacturers while sheltering themselves beneath rules designed for pharmacy compounding. It means refusing to allow temporary shortages of enormously popular branded medicines to become the foundation for permanent copycat industries. And it means establishing a much clearer regulatory boundary around the rapidly expanding peptide business before commercial practice outruns regulatory policy.
There is another uncomfortable question policymakers should ask: What happens to investment in the next generation of medicines if successful innovation automatically creates an alternative commercial market operating under substantially different rules?
Drug development is expensive, risky and frequently unsuccessful. The FDA approval standard is intentionally demanding. Companies spend years generating evidence, validating manufacturing processes and demonstrating that the medicine in the vial or injector is reliably the medicine described on the label.
Those requirements aren't bureaucratic decorations. They are the foundation of pharmaceutical credibility.
If the reward for surviving that gauntlet is an indefinitely expanding marketplace of compounded substitutes—or an adjacent marketplace in which experimental molecules can be commercially popularized without first traveling the same evidentiary road—Washington should not be surprised when the economics of innovation begin to change.
None of this requires eliminating compounding. It requires remembering why we permit it.
America needs a pharmaceutical system capable of responding rapidly when conventional manufacturing fails. Drug shortages are real. They hurt patients, exhaust clinicians and expose dangerous weaknesses in our supply chains. Compounding can and should be part of the solution.
But only if we stop confusing the existence of demand with the existence of an emergency.
A child waiting for a cancer medicine is an emergency. A hospital unable to obtain a critical injectable is an emergency. A patient requiring a customized formulation unavailable from an FDA-approved manufacturer presents a legitimate medical need. A booming commercial market for fashionable weight-loss drugs, anti-aging injections and experimental peptides is something else entirely. That isn't a drug shortage. It is a new pharmaceutical marketplace trying to borrow the regulatory privileges created for an emergency.
The pharmaceutical supply chain will always follow incentives. If policymakers want compounding capacity directed toward medicines that save lives during shortages, they need to make that the attractive proposition rather than merely hoping corporate altruism will overpower economics. The original compact was sensible: When the conventional drug supply fails patients, compounding can temporarily fill the gap. Let's restore that compact. Compounding should be a fire department, not a franchise opportunity.
Peter J. Pitts, a former FDA Associate Commissioner, is President of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.